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Mohammad Mohaddessin, NCRI foreign affairs committee chair answers questions online about the clerical regime’s role in Islamic Fundamentalism


NCRI Foreign Affairs Committee Chair, Mohammad Mohaddessin
NCRI Foreign Affairs Committee Chair, Mohammad Mohaddessin

April 16, 2015 - First let me address the teachers’ uprising across the country. According to reports we have so far received, since this morning, teachers in 27 out of 31 provinces of Iran, including in Tehran, started demonstrations and protests. Teachers are an important part of the Iranian society numbering more than one million and covering 13 million students. They have widespread influence in the Iranian society.
Meanwhile labour strikes and protests also have taken new dimensions, covering large parts of the country.
These are clear examples of widespread dissatisfaction of the Iranian society and their demand to overthrow the religious fascism ruling Iran.
Result of the meddling of the Iranian regime in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen and the result of the Iranian nuclear projects has been poverty, unemployment, rocketing inflation, and the people want to stop them.
Today the world and especially our region is faced with a major disaster by the name of fundamentalism and Islamic extremism whose epicenter is in Tehran under the mullahs’ rule. The clerical regime has extended its interventions in recent years to Baghdad, Damascus and more recently Sanaa, the Yemeni capital. This interference is not limited to these countries and the apparatus of export of terrorism and fundamentalism to Palestine and other Arab and Islamic countries such as Egypt, Sudan, Turkey and Afghanistan is actively working.
The main question here is how the international community can push back these interventions? Or should this situation be accepted as a bitter reality and recognize the hegemony of the religious fascism ruling Iran in the region?
My short answer is that we can push back the invasion wave of the regime in the region and free Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and other countries in the region from the regime’s occupation. And it costs far less than what it is thought. Iran’s regime is extremely weak and fragile.
The Iranian regime wants the international community to believe that Qods Force is strong and mighty.
The terrorist Qods Force is not a powerful and invincible army, as it is portrayed. This force has spread itself in the region only because of wrong foreign policies in particular of the US. Over the years no barrier existed against it except unarmed and defenseless people, and with the excuse of nuclear talks or fighting ISIS, this regime has been rewarded rather than being punished.
We have no doubt that if this regime is confronted with a firm policy, and if the international community and the countries of the region stand firm against the aggressions of this regime, the regime will necessarily withdraw to within the Iranian borders and then quickly will be overthrown by the Iranian people and resistance.
Over the past years, I draw your attention to four big and critical mistakes on Iran. These are factors for the current situation:
1- After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the first Gulf war in 1991 we declared that Islamic fundamentalism was the new global threat that would threaten peace, democracy, and security of the region and the world, and that its epicentre was in Iran. At the time, not only due attention was not given to this warning, but in the aftermath of the Soviet Union collapse and the Kuwait war, many of the western governments opened the door for the Iranian regime. On the opposite side, they put pressure on its opposition, i.e. the Iranian resistance, and labeled it as terrorist. At that time, the US State Department authorities officially considered the threat of fundamentalism that we were pointing out as exaggeration.
2- After the tragedy of September 11, 2001, the danger of fundamentalism was clear for everyone. However once again, under the excuse that the perpetrators of September 11 were Sunni Muslims who had come from Arab countries, the heart of fundamentalism i.e. the clerical regime was forgotten and the Tehran regime continued spread of fundamentalism under the light of fighting Al-Qaeda and war with Afghanistan and Iraq.

3. The biggest mistake was that with the overthrow of the government in Iraq, the United States, rather than confronting the influence of the Iranian regime in Iraq, opened gates of Iraq to them and the spies, terrorists, and the mullahs flooded the country. The US also disarmed the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), which was a strong politico-cultural obstacle against fundamentalism, and besieged it, and subsequently in 2009 handed over their protection to Maliki, who was a mercenary of the Iranian regime. Handing over Iraq to Iran by the US government was the world’s greatest political disaster in the past 50 years. The danger of Iranian regime’s meddling in Iraq is a hundred times higher than the danger of a nuclear bomb.
4. Silence against the massacre of the Syrian people by Bashar Assad and the Iranian Revolutionary Guards that we are all familiar with.
If each of these errors did not occur, there is no doubt that the Iranian regime and the region were not in the current point, ISIS and Al Qaeda either would not have been formed or they would have been marginalized or small groups. Charlie Hebdo would not have happened. The Houthis would not have occupied Yemen. Situation in Libya and Palestine and other Islamic countries would have been different.
Development of a nuclear bomb is part of the regime’s policy for the export of terrorism and fundamentalism and a tool to exert hegemony over the region. Some people mistakenly think that a firm policy against the regime in the region will cause the regime to refuse to sign an acceptable agreement in the nuclear negotiations. But on the contrary, just when the regime advances in the region, it demands more concessions on nuclear, while the reverse is true as well.
The operation "Decisive Storm" was the first barrier against the regime. Our detailed information from inside the regime shows that in this case the regime was quite surprised and did not expect such a reaction.
If this coalition in Yemen continues, here is no positive scenario for the regime. That is why it seeks ceasefire with all its power to maintain part of its position in Yemen in order to be able to exert its domination in the next step. The situation would have been different if the regime was confronted in Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
Today I declare that the entire region, particularly Yemen, Iraq and Syria, is an interconnected whole. We should not be confined to Yemen, but the regime must be evicted from Syria and Iraq. In this situation the regime will be evicted from the whole region.
With the continuation of the coalition, the crisis within the regime will escalate. The mullahs have lost their potential. We should not compare this regime to that of Khomeini in 1980’s. Its capacity for loss is very low and its vulnerability is very high.
Let’s mention a few points about developments in Yemen within the regime:
• The regime has heavily invested in it over the past 25 years. The Qods Force has long been training the Houthis with equipped weapons, and both politically and strategically has followed their issues. The advances of Houthis from Saada toward Sanaa were completely planned and organized by the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Qods force.
• In the last year, Qods Force commanders were constantly traveling to Yemen and Houthis were present in Iran. In February 2015 a delegation of Houthis went to Iran and met with various organizations including the office of Khamenei, the Qods Force and other related organs. The issue of Yemen is under the auspices of Khamenei, and the Qods force follows this issue in direct communication with Khamenei. Many government agencies such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are active in this regard but work under the auspices of the Qods Force.
• Based on the specific information of the Iranian resistance, Brigadier General Amiriyan is directly responsible for Yemen in the Qods Force.
• Following the start of the "Decisive Storm" operation and closure of previous means of aid to the Houthis, Tehran specifically has continued to help the Houthis in the following three areas:
1. Presence of the Qods Force commanders in the scene who are actually responsible for the planning and directing the Houthis.
2. Establishing the necessary communication systems such that the Houthis can communicate directly with the Qods Force in Tehran and get the direction and guidance from there.
3. Dispatching more commanders and force from the Lebanese Hezbollah to help Ansarullah (Houthis): Given the intensification of war and confrontation, the presence of Iranians (specifically non-Arab forces) in Yemen has become more difficult, therefore, the focus has been on the deployment of members of Hezbollah who can maneuver and operate better than the Iranians given the current situation.
• Inside the regime, while all of the regime leaders such as Rafsanjani and Rouhani condemn the coalition and the Decisive Storm following Khamenei, and use the strongest terms against the Saudi government, but every day that passes, the differences and divisions within the regime about the performance of Khamenei and the Qods Force in Yemen increase and even within the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, there are protests about this issue.